In a year when large swathes of rural India reeled under drought, the Centre used WhatsApp messages to ask states to go slow on generating employment under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme.
A small railway station with shanties on either side. A main street running the length of the town, selling everything from household provisions to construction materials. A semi-finished temple, a few lodges and bars, and as the town ends, a series of truck-repair shops.
But come November and it whirrs to life as people arrive from the nearby countryside after harvesting the year’s sole rainfed crop. With no work in the villages for the next few months, they come to the town with their meagre belongings to catch trains to Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, where they would spend the next five or six months working in brick-kilns.
During those weeks in November, the town becomes the largest migrant labour market in western Odisha. Its guesthouses and hotels fill up as brick kiln owners called “seths” come to recruit workers, with the help of local labour contractors called “sardars”. Two trains heading to Visakhapatnam – the Korba-VSKP Link Express and the Durg-VSKP Passenger – extend their halts to make sure all the workers enter (or are loaded into) the unreserved compartments.
the persistence of this trade, despite the migrants knowing the harsh conditions which await them at the kilns, is perplexing. in this story, Scroll’s #eartotheground series tries to find answers.
out today, this story on the changes planned by the nda for nrega.
Sanitation projects to reduce open defecation, increasing green cover and emphasis on creating assets form the crux of the Narendra Modi-led government’s blueprint for redeploying UPA’s flagship social sector programme — the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act or MGNREGA.Top officials aware of the government’s re-orientation roadmap for the rural employment guarantee scheme, being steered by rural development minister Nitin Gadkari, told ET that assessment of its outcome would go beyond number of man days of work offered to tangible ground-level changes it achieved.
For instance, people digging a pond will have to mention the storage capacity being created, its impact on groundwater level, and so on. Similarly, folks digging compost pits will have to outline the quantum of compost they will generate. According to the officials, it is proposed that about half of the scheme’s fund allocations will be earmarked for rural sanitation projects and plantation of trees along highways and rural roads.
is this a good idea? on one level, yes. rural india’s tree cover is falling. as are its groundwater levels and organic carbon in its soils. at another level, however, are these changes good for nrega?
The question is whether these problems should be fixed using MGNREGA. Corruption and payment delays have shrunk the number of people seeking work under the NREGA, said Himanshu, assistant professor in economics at JNU’s Centre for Informal Sector and Labour Studies.”MGNREGA is not a sanitation programme, but a safety net for people who can demand work whenever they need it. In the process, some assets also get created,” he told ET, adding that the Act ceases to deliver ‘work available on demand’ the moment it gets linked to another program like sanitation. “What if the money for sanitation is not released? Then NREGA, with 20% of its budget earmarked for sanitation, will suffer,” he added.
Bigger public-private partnership (PPPs) in social sector programmes and a thorough overhaul of the rural employment scheme to link it with creations of assets and infrastructure relating to agriculture and tourism are on the government agenda, the Economic Survey said. The biggest challenge confronting India is “unleasing the potential of its demographic dividend’, it said. This advantage is starting to slip away. In some states, the average age of the population has already crossed 30. Kerala, for instance, has an average age of 33 years, while the corresponding number for Himachal Pradesh stands at 30.4, the survey said.
i am back from a long holiday. work resumes. first off, this quick and dirty snapshot from the economic survey on the social sector. in the story, see what nikhil dey says about the survey’s suggestion that zero-based budgeting be followed for all social sector programmes.
out today, a story on the possible outlook for the upa’s major development initiatives — aadhaar, cash transfers, npr, rights-based legislations, the proposed environment authority, the land acquisition bill — once the modi government takes over.
In his speech today, Finance Minister P Chidambaram suggested UPA-II has done a good job on social welfare. As statements go, that assertion is not correct. UPA-II has passed fewer laws. Implementation of the principal Acts passed by UPA-I has weakened during UPA-II. Its gamechanger, direct benefits transfer, is yet to take off. Between them, as UPA-II prepares for elections, it has little to show on the social welfare front.
for a while now, we have known that nrega is not doing as well as before. this fact was painfully brought home last week when the hindustan times carried a story reporting that some nrega workers had committed suicide due to delays in payments. however, if you read the booklet that accompanied the prime minister’s press conference on the fourth of this month, you would have thought nrega is flourishing.
amazing what one can do thru the selective use of data. take a look. striking too that nrega did well during UPA1 and then worsened during UPA2. which seems like a pretty common refrain.